By Brigitta Hauser-Schäublin
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Extra info for World Heritage Angkor and beyond: Circumstances and implications of UNESCO listing in Cambodia
Although the demarcation of the border between the two countries was based, as we can state today, on data incorrectly represented in the map of 1907, the ICJ declared the border as definitive since Thailand had not filed their protest in time. The Thai government decided to comply with the ICJ decision. However, the Thai Minister of Foreign Affairs wrote in a letter to the UN Acting Secretary General (dated July 6, 1962) that this agreement was made “under protest and with reservation of her intrinsic rights”, that is, “whatever rights Thailand has, or may have in the future, to recover the Temple of Phra Viharn by having recourse to any existing or subsequently applicable legal process” (Cuasay 1998:881).
CPP’s target was economic development, for that Angkor was going to be fully utilized. Probably in relation to the political stability enhanced since 1998 and economic development enjoyed by urban populations Angkor saw more domestic visitors than international tourists whose number had rapidly increased since 2000 with an annual growth rate of 36 per cent (Hing and Tuot 2007:33). As for the transition from conservation to development, a crucial year was 2001 when the cabinet openly expressed its frustrations over the slow process of tourismrelated development in Angkor in a number of international venues in Cambodia.
By 2007 the number of international arrivals to Siem Reap-Angkor reached 2 million (Esposito and Nam 2008:40-41). e. less than 50 US cent a day (Hing and Tuot 2007:27, 39; De Lopez et al. 2006:6; Esposito and Nam 2008:III-36). It means that benefits from tourism development have not adequately been channelled through to the local communities at large or linked to community development. In order to deal with the new phase of sustainable development, another Ad Hoc group consisting of three experts was set up in 2006, which began to work in 2007.